February 8, 2005
Freedom For You and You and You...So Sorry, Not For You
"America's vital interests and our
deepest beliefs are now one," President George W. Bush said. "It is the policy of the
United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements
and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of
ending tyranny in our world."
Okay, I'll bite.
Mr. President, your new Secretary of
State has listed Cuba, Myanmar, North Korea, Iran, Belarus and Zimbabwe
as outposts of tyranny. I have no problem with the accuracy of that
grouping. You go, guy!
But can I humbly offer a few
suggestions? What about Saudi Arabia? What about China? What about
Uzbekistan? What about Russia? What about Pakistan?
Because you did say EVERY nation. Because you said our nation's INTERESTS and BELIEFS are ONE.
You may be able to convince enough
citizens of this country with breast-beating loud and proud
declarations but how's all this going over outside of America? Citizens
and leaders in various foreign countries are looking for ACTIONS that
back up your WORDS.
So:
- will they see you demanding the House of Saud to hold the type of democratic elections we are so proud of in Iraq?
- will they see you pushing hard on China for both democratic elections and religious freedom?
- will they see you pressure Uzbekistan to denounce and turn away from authoritarianism?
- will they see you hammer on Pakistan to hold free and fair elections?
- will they see you require that
Russia's Vladimir Putin accept neutrality as an absolute in the
elections of surrounding countries
Or, will it be a continuation of the
same old-same old? Righteous pressure on those who have nothing we want
but employing the proverbial blind eye to the killers, torturers and
imprisoners who luckily possess something we want (military bases) or
need (oil) or fear (bombs)?
Mr. President, you seem to sincerely
believe what you are espousing. The talk has now been talked. We're
waiting for the walk to be walked. Mr. President? Mr. President?
Link to the following Jonathan Alter article: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/6831010/site/newsweek/
MSNBC.com
Democracy: Walking the Walk
President Bush's talk of the power of freedom is inspiring. But it's hardly sufficient when it's selective and hypocritical
By Jonathan Alter
Newsweek
Jan.
24 issue - You've heard the explanations of why John Kerry is not
raising his right hand in front of the Capitol this week. Anxieties
about security, a failure to share the voters' moral values and the
"toughness gap" between Democrats and Republicans are the most common
theories. But there's another reason Kerry never connected: he failed
to tap into the idealism of the American people. In part because he was
so ambivalent about Iraq, he never spoke convincingly about spreading
democracy around the world, opting instead for less-stirring calls for
realism and multilateralism. It's as if Kerry found it a little hokey
to talk too much about freedom.
President
Bush does not. The theme of his Inaugural Address, he says, is that
freedom brings peace and security. Personally, I'm a sucker for this
kind of rhetoric and I wish more liberals could shed their
self-consciousness about using it. But even though evangelism about
democracy is necessary for any successful president, it is not
sufficient. Just as we are grasping anew the limits of power, we will
soon relearn the limits of idealism.
The
president did not originally invade Iraq for idealistic reasons. Bush
did it to show toughness against available Arab bad guys after 9/11, to
take care of unfinished family business with Saddam and because his
gut—in which he places the fate of the nation—wrongly told him that
Iraq possessed WMDs that could be painlessly removed. (The search for
such weapons officially ended last week.) Now Bush cleverly depicts the
war as a noble struggle to bring freedom to the Middle East. He presses
"The Case for Democracy," by Natan Sharansky, into the hands of
visitors, even though Sharansky makes a point of writing that early
elections in countries seeking a democratic future can be harmful. Bush
hopes "the vision thing" that so eluded his father will cast his
administration in a rosy glow of good intentions and take some of the
sting out of the losses in Iraq.
Can
a suspiciously convenient, third-string rationale for war also be
sincere? Yes, because it's connected to how Bush sees his legacy, which
is always the preoccupation of second-term presidents. Bush is a
Woodrow Wilsonian idealist, not a Poppy Bush realist. While the
president of Princeton and the president of DKE don't seem to have much
in common (and the neocons would have thought the League of Nations was
full of pantywaists), Bush, too, seeks to "make the world safe for
democracy."
But
Bush prefers Ronald Reagan to Wilson as an exemplar, which begins to
explain where his vision falls short. Reagan wasn't much interested in
promoting democracy except as a weapon to destroy the Soviet Union from
within. All over the world, dictators like Saddam Hussein cheered his
election. Reaganism was effective and inspiring but also
hypocritical—the kind of ersatz idealism that apparently allows Bush to
press for democracy in every Middle Eastern country except the ones
that sell us oil or help us fight terrorism. That's a rather long list.
The Inaugural Address might as well contain an asterisk that says:
"Does not apply to Saudi Arabia or any place else in the region besides
Iraq and the Palestinian Authority."
Idealism
worthy of the name cannot be so instrumental and selective. If it isn't
consistently applied—if it's used to shroud the truth—idealism is just
another tactic. If Bush were serious about connecting his lofty
democratic goals for the Middle East to the reality of the region, he
would be working with Hillary Clinton and the Democrats on their idea
for more international education. The love of freedom may, as the
president movingly puts it, reside in every human heart, but it must
also be nurtured in the young, just as the Saudis have funded madrassas
to indoctrinate their dangerous Wahhabi views. But international
education sounds wimpy to muscle-bound Republicans, so Clinton's
proposal is DOA.
If
Bush wants to drive home his message, not just pontificate about it, he
would also be leading by example on the ideals that bolster democracy,
like transparency and accountability. He would stop dissembling about
the true costs of his domestic dreams, from privatizing Social Security
to making the tax cuts permanent. And he would be firing at least one
or two of the policymakers who botched the war. Awarding them the
Presidential Medal of Freedom was as if CBS had decided to nominate Dan
Rather and his shoddy National Guard story for an Emmy.
Like
Woodrow Wilson, George W. Bush does not have the country behind him for
a sweeping effort to remake the world in our image. So for now, his
idealistic vision remains just words in the January air, a game attempt
to ennoble suffering and failure, sincere but not serious.
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