June 4, 2005
John Riggs to Donald Rumsfeld: "You Can't Handle The Truth!"
Like
Tim Cruise receiving such an acid reply from Jack Nicholson in "A Few
Good Men," supposedly rough and tough Secretary of Defense Donald
Rumsfeld cannot handle receiving reality from those in his charge.
This is one of the bonafide trademarks of the Bush
Administration--either swallow the Kool-Aid or be damned. Mistakes
don't matter--loyalty does.
Previously, Army Chief of Staff Eric Shinseki (whose replacement was
then quickly announced over a year ahead of time) told a Senate
committee that 200,000 troops would be need to control Iraq after
Saddma's downfall. Ace military-meister Rumsfeld pooh-poohed such a
number and crack(pot) troop expert Paul Wolfowitz added that Shinseki's
estimates were:
"wildly off the mark...I am reasonably certain that they
will greet us as liberators, and that will help us to keep requirements
down."
Protecting ammo dumps
(explosives now used against our troops) and oil pipelines, plus the
prevention of looting--naw, none of that mattered. At least not to
those planners and visionaries tucked away in the safe confines of
Washington D.C. Their errors don't count, even if such result in higher body and maiming counts. Remember, it's all about loyalty. Nothing else.
This time it's military man John Riggs who was given the bum's rush for allowing that the emperor had no clothes (again).
Here is the Tom Bowman/Baltimore Sun story where the military advertising slogan of being an "army of one" is sadly so true:
Unceremonious end to Army career
Outspoken general fights demotion
By Tom Bowman
Sun National Staff
May 29, 2005
WASHINGTON - John Riggs spent 39 years in the Army,
earning a Distinguished Flying Cross for bravery during the Vietnam War
and working his way up to become a three-star general entrusted with
creating a high-tech Army for the 21st century.
But on a spring day last year, Riggs was told by senior Army
officials that he would be retired at a reduced rank, losing one of his
stars because of infractions considered so minor that they were not
placed in his official record.
He was given 24 hours to leave the Army. He had no parade in review, no
rousing martial music, no speeches or official proclamations praising
his decades in uniform, the trappings that normally herald a high-level
military retirement.
Instead, Riggs went to a basement room at Fort Myer, Va., and
signed some mandatory forms. Then a young sergeant mechanically
presented him with a flag and a form letter of thanks from President
Bush.
"That's the coldest way in the world to leave," Riggs, 58, said in
a drawl that betrays his rural roots in southeast Missouri. "It's like
being buried and no one attends your funeral."
So what cost Riggs his star?
His Pentagon superiors said he allowed outside contractors to
perform work they were not supposed to do, creating "an adverse command
climate."
But some of the general's supporters believe the motivation behind
his demotion was politics. Riggs was blunt and outspoken on a number of
issues and publicly contradicted Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld
by arguing that the Army was overstretched in Iraq and Afghanistan and
needed more troops.
"They all went bat s- - when that happened," recalled retired Army
Lt. Gen. Jay M. Garner, a one-time Pentagon adviser who ran
reconstruction efforts in Iraq in the spring of 2003. "The military
part of [the defense secretary's office] has been politicized. If
[officers] disagree, they are ostracized and their reputations are
ruined."
Little-used punishment
A senior officer's loss of a star is a punishment seldom used,
and then usually for the most serious offenses, such as dereliction of
duty or command failures, adultery or misuse of government funds or
equipment.
Over the past several decades, generals and admirals faced with
far more serious official findings - scandals at the Navy's Tailhook
Convention, the Air Force Academy and Abu Ghraib prison, for example -
have continued in their careers or retired with no loss of rank.
Les Brownlee, who was then acting Army secretary and who ordered
that Riggs be reduced in rank, said he stands by the demotion. "I read
the [Army inspector general's] report and made that judgment. I happen
to think it was that serious. Maybe I have a higher standard for these
things," Brownlee said in an interview. "I still believe it was the
right decision."
Rumsfeld's office had no comment for this story, referring all questions to the Army, which issued a statement.
The two contracting infractions "reflected negatively on Lt. Gen.
Riggs's overall leadership and revealed an adverse command climate,"
the Army statement said. "Based on the review of the investigation and
Lt. Gen. Riggs's comments, the Acting Secretary of the Army [Brownlee]
concluded that Lt. Gen. Riggs did not serve satisfactorily in the grade
of lieutentant general."
Garner and 40 other Riggs supporters - including an unusually
candid group of retired generals - are trying to help restore his rank.
But even his most ardent supporters concede that his appeal has
little chance of succeeding and that an act of Congress might be
required.
From the ranks
Riggs' rise to three-star general was heady stuff for a man
who left the family's cotton farm in Missouri and enlisted in the Army
in 1965, the same year America deployed combat troops to Vietnam. After
three years as a soldier, Riggs went through Officer Candidate School
and soon was piloting a twin-rotor Chinook above the central highlands
of Vietnam.
On March 17, 1971, Riggs flew the lumbering, troop-carrying
helicopter on a voluntary medevac mission to a base at Phu Nhon which
had been under heavy attack from a battalion of North Vietnamese
soldiers, according to Army records. On his first approach to the base
he was forced back by enemy fire, but he tried another flight path and
was able to set down on a small and dusty landing zone.
he young officer flew out 59 wounded soldiers, 30 of whom "probably
would have died if Captain Riggs and his crew had not acted as they
did," said Riggs' citation for the Distinguished Flying Cross, a top
medal awarded for "exceptionally valorous actions."
After the war, Riggs worked his way up through the ranks in the
Army, serving in Korea and Germany as well as a stint with NATO
headquarters in Brussels. He commanded troops from the platoon level to
the First U.S. Army, which is based in Georgia and is responsible for
training National Guard and Reserve troops east of the Mississippi.
Among Riggs' accomplishments with the First Army was the largest
rotation of part-time troops since World War II, when the Guard's 29th
Infantry Division, which includes troops from Maryland and Virginia,
deployed to Bosnia for a peacekeeping mission in 2001.
In 2001, Gen. Eric K. Shinseki, the Army's top officer, asked
Riggs to take over the Army's transformation task force. The group was
organized to create an Army for the 21st century, centered on the
Future Combat System, a series of armored vehicles, drone aircraft and
sensors that would give soldiers greater control over future
battlefields.
Those who worked with Riggs, as well as his endorsement letters,
say the general worked hard at trying to turn the Army into a high-tech
force.
The December 2002 Scientific American magazine singled him out as
one of the country's top 50 technology leaders for his work. Riggs, the
magazine said, was "leading the often contentious, even acrimonious
debate among military planners about how to transform today's ground
divisions into high-tech fighting units of the future."
But documents and interviews reveal that some of those who worked
with Riggs chafed at the constant pace of work and the authority he
gave to private contractors, whom he said he relied on heavily.
Riggs himself and investigation documents say he was the subject
of anonymous allegations that he was violating the Pentagon's
contracting regulations and having an affair with one of the
contractors.
The Army inspector general's office opened a probe in the spring
of 2003. At the same time, a criminal investigation also looking at the
issue of contractors was launched by the Army's Criminal Investigation
Command.
Only the inspector general came back with findings of fault. An
October 2003 letter from Lt. Gen. Paul Mikolashek, the inspector
general, found two violations of contracting rules but concluded that
the allegation of "an adulterous affair with a female contractor was
not substantiated."
Memo of 'concern'
The report prompted Gen. John M. Keane, the Army's No. 2
officer, to write a disciplinary "memorandum of concern" to Riggs. The
memo found that a female contractor was allowed to draft congressional
testimony, respond to congressional correspondence and communicate with
Capitol Hill staffers.
Allowing a contractor to perform functions that should have been
undertaken only by government employees was improper, Keane wrote.
Also, since the contractor was serving in a role similar to that
of a deputy director or executive officer, that amounted to an improper
"personal services contract" that should have been filled by a
government employee. Riggs was put on notice "to comply with all
regulatory requirements," but Keane wrote that the memo would not be
filed in Riggs' personnel records.
Riggs was also questioned in the related criminal investigation,
he and his attorney said. It produced no charges and, said Rigg's
attorney, Army Lt. Col. Vic Hansen, "The investigation's dead, and it's
not going anywhere."
A spokesman for the Army's Criminal Investigation Command said he could not comment on the status of any investigation.
Now retired, Keane said demoting Riggs based on a penalty that
represents the "minimum administrative punishment" at his disposal was
a "tragic mistake."
"It is outrageous that John Riggs was reduced in rank for such a
minor offense, which should never outweigh his 30-plus years of
exemplary service to the Army and the nation," Keane wrote in a letter
to Army officials supporting Riggs' restoration as a lieutenant general.
Keane said the Army was partly to blame for Riggs' predicament
because the service downsized its support personnel and forced officers
to hire private contractors. "I believe we blurred the lines of
contractors and department employees, so much so that many of the
supervisors just saw it as one team," Keane wrote. "While John Riggs
did blur those lines, we, the Army, contributed directly to that
without a clear policy and clear command guidelines.'
Candid assessments
Riggs, long known for offering blunt, unvarnished opinion, wasn't chastened by the contractor probe.
He stepped on the toes of other generals in pressing for a
modernized Army and advocated the planned Comanche helicopter, which he
viewed as vital to the future Army. Riggs was instructed by the Army
not to make a speech supporting the Comanche, which the Army decided to
kill to save money.
"John Riggs had the moral courage to stand and be counted on the
tough issues concerning [the Army's modernization efforts] when his
contemporaries took the easy approach of agreeing with their seniors,"
wrote retired Army Gen. Larry Ellis, a Morgan State graduate who is
supporting Riggs' return to three-star rank.
In a January 2004 interview with The Sun, Riggs said the Army was
too small to meet its global commitments and must be substantially
increased.
The interview made him the first senior active-duty officer to
publicly urge a larger Army - and the first to publicly take on
Rumsfeld and Army Chief of Staff Gen. Peter Schoomaker, who had
repeatedly told lawmakers that such increases were not necessary.
After the interview appeared, Pentagon sources said, Deputy
Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz stormed into the office of the Army's
vice chief of staff, Gen. George W. Casey Jr., and demanded an
explanation for Riggs' views. Riggs said Casey called him that day and
ordered him not to talk about troop increases but to "stay in your
lane."
Casey, Riggs said, then asked him when he was planning to retire.
"I did become sort of a persona non grata," said Riggs.
Several days after Riggs' remarks on troop strength, Rumsfeld and
other officials asked for a temporary increase of 30,000 soldiers for
the Army, although they continue to argue that a permanent increase was
not needed.
Handled differently
What's striking about the Riggs case is the comparison with
how the Army and the other services have handled even more serious
cases.
Seven years ago, Maj. Gen. David Hale, the Army's inspector
general, was allowed to hastily retire after allegations that he
pressured the wife of a subordinate into a sexual relationship. An Army
investigation uncovered other affairs with subordinates' wives, and
Hale was later put back on active duty and court-martialed. But it took
an Army review panel another six months after his conviction to
determine that Hale should be reduced by one star to a brigadier
general.
Two Navy rear admirals were given letters of censure for not
stopping lewd behavior at the 1991 Tailhook Association convention in
Las Vegas, where dozens of women were groped and fondled by Navy and
Marine Corps aviators. Both admirals retired at their two-star ranks.
More recently, the Air Force removed the four top officers at the
U.S. Air Force Academy as part of a housecleaning after a sex scandal
in 2003. While the superintendent was demoted from a three-star to a
two-star rank, the other officers went on to jobs with similar
responsibilities.
In March 2004, with his mentor Shinseki gone and his own future
clouded, Riggs said, he saw the "handwriting on the wall" and put in
his retirement papers.
Under Army rules, a general officer must complete the retirement
process within 60 days or risk reverting to previous rank. By April 3,
Riggs still had heard nothing so he sent an e-mail to Casey to remind
him that time was running out.
"We are very conscious of time," Casey responded, according to a
copy of the e-mail kept by Riggs. "Discussed with [the assistant
secretary of the Army] yesterday. I expect some movement next week."
Eleven days later, Riggs got a terse letter from Casey, saying
that the acting secretary of the Army, Brownlee, was embarking on a
"grade determination" of Riggs.
He had just five days to respond because Brownlee was leaving on a trip.
A couple of weeks later, on April 29, Riggs said, Casey told him
in a phone conversation that Brownlee had determined that his time as
lieutenant general "had not been satisfactory" and that he would retire
at a two-star rank. Riggs was told to sign his retirement papers the
next day so he could leave the Army by the weekend.
Brownlee still has never talked to Riggs about the decision;
Brownlee said Casey would do that in his role handling disciplinary
matters for general officers.
Casey, who now is the top U.S. commander in Iraq, declined through a spokesman to comment or answer e-mailed questions.
Brownlee did send the decision to reduce Riggs' rank to Rumsfeld,
who could have reversed it. But he chose not to. "The only thing I
heard back [from Rumsfeld's office] was that it was noted," Brownlee
said.
The decision cost Riggs $10,000 to $15,000 a year in pension
benefits. But, he added, "what I've lost is a lot of my personal
self-respect."
In a series of interviews, Riggs said he still wrestles with why
he was demoted but believes his outspokenness was part of the equation.
"Do I think it is?" he said. "I thought it must have something to
do with it. You've got to do it the Rumsfeld way, or you're not going
to go forward.
"When you ask a general officer, 'What do you think?' you should
be able to answer candidly. I think he's politicized the general
officer corps by making the personal selections of everyone."
Brownlee dismissed the contention that his actions amounted to a
political vendetta. "I know that's what some of them will assert," said
Brownlee, an Army combat veteran in Vietnam who was the top staffer on
the Senate Armed Services Committee. "It was not political."
During his 18 months as acting Army secretary, Brownlee could not recall any other general that he reduced in rank.
Praise for Riggs
Former Army Secretary Thomas White, who was fired by Rumsfeld
over policy differences and was succeeded by Brownlee, praised Riggs'
work and said he found the reduction in rank puzzling. But White, a
retired Army brigadier general, questioned the notion that the officer
corps had suddenly become politicized.
"It's always been political," White said. "It operates in a
capital filled with politicians. I don't know if it's more or less than
it was 20 years ago."
Nonetheless, several senior officers said they privately fear that
Riggs' treatment could have a chilling effect on the willingness of
other officers to provide their candid views, forcing them instead to
bend to the political winds. Five of the retired officers who wrote
letters urging that Riggs' rank be restored agreed either to be
interviewed or to let their letters be quoted.
One of those was Shinseki, who himself had a stormy relationship
with Rumsfeld and battled with the secretary over troop levels and
spending programs. At his retirement ceremony in June 2003, Shinseki
warned "our soldiers and families bear the risk and hardship of
carrying a mission load that exceeds the force capabilities we can
sustain."
Neither Rumsfeld nor his top deputies were in attendance.
In his letter of support for Riggs, Shinseki said, "There was no
one who was more professional, more honest, more selfless, more
dedicated, nor more loyal to the Army and to its soldiers than John
Riggs."
An outcast
Riggs has become an outcast, saddled with a reduction in rank
that is one of the harshest and rarest punishments in an institution
built on honor and rank.
Hansen, Riggs' military lawyer, said the Army could simply have
retired the general and not demoted him. "Why do you put that last
knife in the back? That's petty and mean-spirited," he said. "How do
you tell him he didn't deserve to be retired at three-star rank?"
Riggs has filed the paperwork to the Army Board for the Correction
of Military Records, an appeal process that could restore him to
three-star rank, Army officials said.
A hearing officer will review the case and make a recommendation
to a three-member panel. A final decision, expected this summer, rests
with an assistant Army secretary.
"It's a stretch," said Hansen, Riggs' lawyer.
The investigations have taken both a professional and personal
toll on Riggs. His marriage of 38 years fell apart. Now, the former
general shuttles between Washington and Florida, spending his time on
consulting and real estate work.
And while he is both saddened and sometimes angry about how his
military career came to a close, he still has a great deal of respect
for the Army. "It's the most noble institution we've got," he said.
But Garner, the retired lieutenant general, has a more hardened
view of the Army's top brass and is troubled by what happened to Riggs,
"this superb soldier."
"The real tragedy here," Garner said in an interview, "is that
none of the leadership of the Army has the guts to stand up and say
it's wrong."
May 29, 2005
Baltimore Sun
Chronology of the abuse of John Riggs'
2001
May: Riggs, former commander of the First U.S. Army, is appointed
director of the Objective Force Task Force, overseeing Army
modernization, by Gen. Eric K. Shinseki, the Army's chief of staff.
2003
March 20: Army criminal investigation begins into allegations of misuse of government contracts.
April: Army inspector general opens up investigation of Riggs over
allegations of an adulterous relationship and improperly allowing a
government contractor to perform inherently governmental functions.
Oct. 3: Riggs receives a memo of concern from Gen. John M. Keane, the
Army's No. 2 officer, saying he violated two contractor rules. The memo
is not placed in Riggs' personnel file.
Oct. 7: Letter from
Army inspector general saying two contractual violations were
substantiated. Allegations of adultery were unsubstantiated.
2004
January: Riggs' interview with The Sun, in which he says the Army needs
at least 10,000 more soldiers because it is overstretched with missions
in Iraq and Afghanistan. His call for more soldiers contradicts Defense
Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld, who says the Army is big enough. Gen.
George W. Casey Jr., the Army's vice chief of staff, contacts Riggs and
tells him to "stay in your lane" and not talk about troop needs. Casey
asks Riggs about his retirement.
February: Riggs is told by
senior Army officials not to give a speech in favor of the Comanche
helicopter at the winter meeting of the Association of the U.S. Army.
Riggs had argued that the high-tech helicopter was crucial to Army
modernization. Within two weeks the Army killed the program to save
money.
March 3: Riggs puts in his retirement papers and has 60
days to complete the process or he will revert to the rank of major
general.
April 3: Riggs contacts Casey, telling him that time
is running out for his retirement. Casey e-mails Riggs saying he is
"very conscious of time" and he expects some movement within the next
week.
April 14: Casey sends Riggs a letter saying that the
acting Army secretary, Les Brownlee, was reviewing the retirement and
would use the "memo of concern" to determine at which rank he should
retire. Riggs is given five days to respond.
April 29: Riggs
is notified by Casey that Brownlee determined Riggs' five years as
lieutenant general were not satisfactory and he would retire as a major
general.
May 1: Riggs processes out at Fort Myer, Va.
November: Riggs files a petition with the Army Board for the Correction
of Military Records asking that he be restored to lieutenant general.
He has 41 supporters, including Shinseki, Keane and other retired and
active-duty senior officers.
Who
was right in his assessment? Who was wrong? Who will receive some sort
of medal from President Bush at some future ceremony?
How about an alteration to the commercial: Be all that we tell you to be and damn sure nothing more.
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