January 20, 2005
Rice Indicted By Own Statements
The
shape-shifters and reality-creators can spin as much as they wish. But
if quoting an individual's public statements impugns that person's
integrity, well, it's past time for Condi Rice to scurry back to the
safe confines of Stanford University, where she can hug the Hoover
Insititute first thing in the morning and last thing at night.
Look not to the current White House occupants to take responsibility for said statements and acted actions.
Steadfast? Yep, so strong and resolute that saying 'this is what I believe and why' is an act of heresy.
No, stories must be concocted and mind games played with the American public.
Why?
Absolute fear of speaking the truth.
Reality doesn't look so good for this set of Republicans, truth being biased and all that.
01/18/05 "FNS" -- Following is a transcript
of Sen. Barbara Boxer's remarks and Condoleezza Rice's response at
Rice's confirmation hearing as provided by Federal News Service
SEN. BOXER: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Thank you, Dr. Rice, for
agreeing to stay as long as it takes, because some of us do have a lot
of questions.
And, Senator Lugar, you are a very fair chairman, and I wanted to say
to the new members also welcome-- and you'll enjoy this committee,
because we have such a great chairman and such a terrific ranking
member, and we really do a lot of things in a bipartisan way, unlike
other committees. And I think you're going to enjoy your time here.
Dr. Rice, before I get to my formal remarks, you no doubt will be
confirmed-- that's at least what we think. And if you're going to
become the voice of diplomacy-- this is just a helpful point-- when
Senator Voinovich mentioned the issue of tsunami relief, you said--
your first words were, "The tsunami was a wonderful opportunity for
us." Now, the tsunami was one of the worst tragedies of our lifetime--
one of the worst-- and it's going to have a 10-year impact on
rebuilding that area. I was very disappointed in your statement. I
think you blew the opportunity. You mention it as part of one sentence.
And I would hope to work with you on this, because children are
suffering, we're worried they're going to get in the sex trade. This
thing is a disaster, a true natural disaster and a human disaster of
great proportions, and I hope that the State Department will take a
huge lead under your leadership in helping those folks in the long
range.
Well, Mr. Chairman, again I thank you. I am-- Dr. Rice, I was glad you
mentioned Martin Luther King-- it was very appropriate, given
everything. And he also said, Martin Luther King, quote, "Our lives
begin to end the day we become silent about the things that matter."
And one of the things that matters most to my people in California and
the people in America is this war in Iraq.
Now, it took you to page three of your testimony to mention the word
"Iraq." You said very little really about it, and only in the
questioning have we been able to get into some areas. Perhaps you agree
with President Bush, who said all that's been resolved. I'm quoting
today's Post: "Bush said in an interview last week with the Washington
Post that the '04 election was a moment of accountability for the
decisions he made in Iraq." But today's Washington Post/ABC poll found
that 58 percent disapprove of his handling of the situation, to 40
percent who approve-- and only 44 percent said the war was worth
fighting.
So in your statement it takes you to page three to mention the word
"Iraq." Then you mention it in the context of elections-- which is
fine-- but you never even mention indirectly the 1,366 American troops
that have died, or the 10,372 who have been wounded-- many mentally,
as a report that I read over the weekend that maybe a third will come
home and need help because of what they saw-- it's been so traumatic
to them. And 25 percent of those dead are from my home state. And this
from a war that was based on what everyone now says, including your own
administration, were falsehoods about WMDs, weapons of mass
destruction. And I've had tens of thousands of people from all over the
country say that they disagree-- although they respect the president--
they disagree that this administration and the people in it
shouldn't be held accountable. I don't know if you saw the movie, "The
Fog of War"-- war is a nightmare, you know that. Colin Powell I think
was the most eloquent I've heard on it, because he's seen it himself--
he's been there and done it. And I don't want to have you in a
circumstance where you're writing something years later about the fog
of war. And I'm fearful if we don't see some changes here we're going
to have trouble.
And I think the way we should start is by trying to set the record
straight on some of the things you said going into this war. Now, since
9/11 we've been engaged in a just fight against terror. And I, like
Senator Feingold and everyone here who was in the Senate at the time,
voted to go after Osama bin Laden and to go after the Taliban, and to
defeat al Qaeda. And you say they have left territory-- that's not
true. Your own documents show that al Qaeda has expanded from 45
countries in '01 to more than 60 countries today.
Well, with you in the lead role, Dr. Rice, we went into Iraq. I want to
read you a paragraph that best expresses my views, and ask my staff if
they would hold this up-- and I believe the views of millions of
Californians and Americans. It was written by one of the world's
experts on terrorism, Peter Bergen, five months ago. He wrote: "What we
have done in Iraq is what bin Laden could not have hoped for in his
wildest dreams: We invaded an oil-rich Muslim nation in the heart of
the Middle East, the very type of imperial adventure bin Laden has long
predicted was the U.S.'s long-term goal in the region. We deposed the
secular socialist Saddam, whom bin Laden has long despised, ignited
Sunni and Shi'a fundamentalist fervor in Iraq, and have now provoked a
defensive jihad that has galvanized jihad- minded Muslims around the
world. It's hard to imagine a set of policies better designed to
sabotage the war on terror." This conclusion was reiterated last
Thursday by the National Intelligence Council, the CIA director's think
tank, which released a report saying that Iraq has replaced Afghanistan
as the training ground for the next generation of professionalized
terrorists.
That's your own administration's CIA. NIC chairman Robert Hutchings
said Iraq is, quote, "a magnet for international terrorist activity."
And this was not the case in '01. And I have great proof of it,
including a State Department document that lists every country-- could
you hold that up?-- in which al Qaeda operated prior to 9/11. And you
can see the countries; no mention of Iraq. And this booklet was signed
off on by the president of the United States, George W. Bush. It was
put out by George Bush's State Department, and he signed it. There was
no al Qaeda activity there-- no cells.
Now, the war was sold to the American people, as Chief of Staff to
President Bush Andy Card said, like a "new product." Those were his
words. Remember, he said, "You don't roll out a new product in the
summer." Now, you rolled out the idea and then you had to convince the
people, as you made your case with the president.
And I personally believe-- this is my personal view-- that your
loyalty to the mission you were given, to sell this war, overwhelmed
your respect for the truth. And I don't say it lightly, and I'm going
to go into the documents that show your statements and the facts at the
time.
Now, I don't want the families of those 1,366 troops that were killed
or the 10,372 that were wounded to believe for a minute that their
lives and their bodies were given in vain, because when your
commander-in-chief asks you to sacrifice yourself for your country, it
is the most noble thing you can do to answer that call.
I am giving their families, as we all are here, all the support they
want and need. But I also will not shrink from questioning a war that
was not built on the truth.
Now, perhaps the most well-known statement you've made was the one
about Saddam Hussein launching a nuclear weapon on America with the
image of, quote, quoting you, "a mushroom cloud." That image had to
frighten every American into believing that Saddam Hussein was on the
verge of annihilating them if he was not stopped. And I will be placing
into the record a number of such statements you made which have not
been consistent with the facts.
As the nominee for secretary of State, you must answer to the American
people, and you are doing that now through this confirmation process.
And I continue to stand in awe of our founders, who understood that ultimately those of us in the highest positions of our
government must be held accountable to the people we serve.
So I want to show you some statements that you made regarding the
nuclear threat and the ability of Saddam to attack us. Now, September
5th--let me get to the right package here. On July 30th, 2003, you
were asked by PBS NewsHour's Gwen Ifill if you continued to stand by
the claims you made about Saddam's nuclear program in the days and
months leading up to the war.
In what appears to be an effort to downplay the nuclear-weapons scare
tactics you used before the war, your answer was, and I quote, "It was
a case that said he was trying to reconstitute. He's trying to acquire
nuclear weapons. Nobody ever said that it was going to be the next
year." So that's what you said to the American people on television--
"Nobody ever said it was going to be the next year."
Well, that wasn't true, because nine months before you said this to the
American people, what had George Bush said, President Bush, at his
speech at the Cincinnati Museum Center? "If the Iraqi regime is able to
produce, buy or steal an amount of highly-enriched uranium a little
larger than a single softball, it could have a nuclear weapon in less
than a year."
So the president tells the people there could be a weapon. Nine months
later you said no one ever said he could have a weapon in a year, when
in fact the president said it.
And here's the real kicker. On October 10th, '04, on Fox News Sunday
with Chris Wallace, three months ago, you were asked about CIA Director
Tenet's remark that prior to the war he had, quote, "made it clear to
the White House that he thought the nuclear-weapons program was much
weaker than the program to develop other WMDs. Your response was this:
"The intelligence assessment was that he was reconstituting his nuclear
program; that, left unchecked, he would have a nuclear weapon by the
end of the year."
So here you are, first contradicting the president and then
contradicting yourself. So it's hard to even ask you a question about
this, because you are on the record basically taking two sides of an
issue. And this does not serve the American people.
If it served your purpose to downplay the threat of nuclear weapons,
you said, "No one said he's going to have it in a year." But then
later, when you thought that perhaps you were on more solid ground with
the American people because at the time the war was probably popular,
or more popular, you'd say, "We thought he was going to have a weapon
within a year."
And this is-- the question is, this is a pattern here of what I see
from you on this issue, on the issue of the aluminum tubes, on the
issue of whether al Qaeda was actually involved in Iraq, which you've
said many times. And in my rounds-- I don't have any questions on this
round, because I'm just laying this out; I do have questions on
further rounds about similar contradictions. It's very troubling.
You know, if you were rolling out a new product like a can opener, who
would care about what we said? But this product is a war, and people
are dead and dying, and people are now saying they're not going to go
back because of what they experienced there. And it's very serious.
And as much as I want to look ahead-- and we will work together on a
myriad of issues-- it's hard for me to let go of this war, because
people are still dying. And you have not laid out an exit strategy.
You've not set up a timetable.
And you don't seem to be willing to, A, admit a mistake, or give any
indication of what you're going to do to forcefully involve others. As
a matter of fact, you've said more misstatements; that the territory of
the terrorists has been shrinking when your own administration says
it's now expanded to 60 countries. So I am deeply troubled.
MS. RICE: Senator, may I respond?
SEN. LUGAR: Yes, let me just say that I appreciate the importance of
Senator Boxer's statement. That's why we allowed the statement to
continue for several more minutes of time.
SEN. BOXER: I'm sorry, I lost track of time.
SEN. LUGAR: But clearly you ought to have the right to respond. Then,
at that point, we're going to have a recess. But will you please give
your response?
MS. RICE: Yes. Senator, I am more than aware of the stakes that we face
in Iraq, and I was more than aware of the stakes of going to war in
Iraq. I mourn and honor-- I mourn the dead and honor their service,
because we have asked American men and women in uniform to do the
hardest thing, which is to go and defend freedom and give others an
opportunity to build a free society, which will make us safer.
Senator, I have to say that I have never, ever lost respect for the
truth in the service of anything. It is not my nature. It is not my
character. And I would hope that we can have this conversation and
discuss what happened before and what went on before and what I said
without impugning my credibility or my integrity.
The fact is that we did face a very difficult intelligence challenge in
trying to understand what Saddam Hussein had in terms of weapons of
mass destruction. We knew something about him. We knew that he had--
we had gone to war with him twice in the past, in 1991 and in 1998.
We knew that he continued to shoot at American aircraft in the no-fly
zone as we tried to enforce the resolutions of U.N. Security-- that
the U.N. Security Council had passed. We knew that he continued to
threaten his neighbors. We knew that he was an implacable enemy of the
United States who did cavort with terrorists.
We knew that he was the world's most dangerous man in the world's most
dangerous region. And we knew that in terms of weapons of mass
destruction, he had sought them before, tried to build them before,
that he had an undetected biological weapons program that we didn't
learn of until 1995, that he was closer to a nuclear weapon in 1991
than anybody thought. And we knew, most importantly, that he had used
weapons of mass destruction.
That was the context that frankly made us awfully suspicious when he
refused to account for his weapons-of-mass-destruction programs despite
repeated Security Council resolutions and despite the fact that he was
given one last chance to comply with Resolution 1441.
Now, there were lots of data points about his weapons-of-mass-
destruction programs. Some were right and some were not. But what was
right was that there was an unbreakable link between Saddam Hussein
and weapons of mass destruction. That is something that Charlie
Duelfer, in his report of the Iraq survey group, has made very clear,
that Saddam Hussein intended to continue his weapons-of-mass-
destruction activities, that he had laboratories that were run by his
security services. I could go on and on.
But Senator Boxer, we went to war not because of aluminum tubes. We
went to war because this was the threat of weapons of mass destruction
in the hands of a man against whom we had gone to war before, who
threatened his neighbors, who threatened our interests, who was one of
the world's most brutal dictators. And it was high time to get rid of
him, and I'm glad that we're rid of him.
Now, as to the statement about territory and the terrorist groups, I
was referring to the fact that the al Qaeda organization of Osama bin
Laden, which once trained openly in Afghanistan, which once ran with
impunity in places like Pakistan, can no longer count on hospitable
territory from which to carry out their activities.
In the places where they are, they're being sought and run down and
arrested and pursued in ways that they never were before. So we can
have a semantic discussion about what it means to take or lose
territory, but I don't think it's a matter of misstatement to say that
the loss of Afghanistan, the loss of the northwest frontier of
Pakistan, the loss of running with impunity in places like Saudi
Arabia, the fact that now intelligence networks and law enforcement
networks pursue them worldwide, means that they have lost territory
where they can operate with impunity.
SEN. BOXER: Mr. Chairman, I'm going to take 30 seconds, with your
permission. First of all, Charles Duelfer said, and I quote-- here it
is; I ask unanimous consent to place in the record Charlie Duelfer's
report--
SEN. LUGAR: It will be placed in the record.
SEN. BOXER:-- in which he says, "Although Saddam clearly assigned a
high value to the nuclear progress and talent that had been developed
up to '91, the program ended and the intellectual capital decayed in
the succeeding years."
Here's the point. You and I could sit here and go back and forth and
present our arguments, and maybe somebody watching a debate would pick
one or the other, depending on their own views. But I'm not interested
in that. I'm interested in the facts. So when I ask you these
questions, I'm going to show you your words, not my words.
And, if I might say, again you said you're aware of the stakes in Iraq;
we sent our beautiful people-- and thank you, thank you so much for
your comments about them-- to defend freedom. You sent them in there
because of weapons of mass destruction. Later, the mission changed when
there were none. I have your quotes on it. I have the president's
quotes on it.
And everybody admits it but you that that was the reason for the war.
And then, once we're in there, now it moves to a different mission,
which is great. We all want to give democracy and freedom everywhere we
can possibly do it. But let's not rewrite history. It's too soon to do
that.
MS. RICE: Senator Boxer, I would refer you to the president's speech
before the American Enterprise Institute in February, prior to the war,
in which he talked about the fact that, yes, there was the threat of
weapons of mass destruction, but he also talked to the strategic threat
that Saddam Hussein was to the region.
Saddam Hussein was a threat, yes, because he was trying to acquire
weapons of mass destruction. And, yes, we thought that he had
stockpiles which he did not have. We had problems with the
intelligence. We are all, as a collective polity of the United States,
trying to deal with ways to get better intelligence.
But it wasn't just weapons of mass destruction. He was also a
place--his territory was a place where terrorists were welcomed, where
he paid
suicide bombers to bomb Israel, where he had used Scuds against Israel
in the past.
And so we knew what his intentions were in the region; where he had
attacked his neighbors before and, in fact, tried to annex Kuwait;
where we had gone to war against him twice in the past. It was the
total picture, Senator, not just weapons of mass destruction, that
caused us to decide that, post-September 11th, it was finally time to
deal with Saddam Hussein.
SEN. BOXER: Well, you should read what we voted on when we voted to
support the war, which I did not, but most of my colleagues did. It was
WMD, period. That was the reason and the causation for that, you know,
particular vote.
But, again, I just feel you quote President Bush when it suits you but
you contradicted him when he said, "Yes, Saddam could have a nuclear
weapon in less than a year." You go on television nine months later and
said, "Nobody ever said it was"--
MS. RICE: Senator, that was just a question of pointing out to people
that there was an uncertainty. No one was saying that he would have to
have a weapon within a year for it to be worth it to go to war.
SEN. BOXER: Well, if you can't admit to this mistake, I hope that you'll--
MS. RICE: Senator, we can have this discussion in any way that you
would like. But I really hope that you will refrain from impugning my
integrity. Thank you very much.
SEN. BOXER: I'm not. I'm just quoting what you said. You contradicted the president and you contradicted yourself.
MS. RICE: Senator, I'm happy to continue the discussion, but I really
hope that you will not imply that I take the truth lightly.
SEN. LUGAR: Let me intervene at this point. Now we've had four hours of
good hearing, and we thank all members for their constancy. We're going
to recess, and I'm going to suggest we come back at 2:30. Is that
convenient for you, Dr. Rice?
MS. RICE: Perfect.
SEN. LUGAR: Very well. We recess until 2:30.
© Federal News Service
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