June 2, 2005
The Self Absorption & Self-Deception Of Jack Abramhoff
Reading Michael Crowley's article on Jack Abramhoff in the New York Times Magazine
makes it crystal clear yet again that money, power and religious faith
are a combustible lot and far too often are ranked in that specific
order of value and preference by the supposedly devout.
Do read the entire article. But here are some quotes from it that
clearly indicate that Abramhoff, an Orthodox Jew, engages in
professional behavior that contradicts any spiritual guidelines for living a life
of faith.
He's filled with cognitive dissonance.
His life is an oxymoron.
Yet, Abramhoff fails to see this. He cannot identify the hypocrisy in
himself and his friends and associates. He feels victimized
And so it goes:
"...The scent of money was
coming from the Saginaw Chippewa, the owners of the Soaring Eagle
Casino and Resort -- a $400-million-a-year enterprise in Mt. Pleasant,
Mich. Abramoff and his informal business partner, Michael Scanlon, an
independent public-relations consultant who had been a spokesman in
DeLay's Congressional office, had begun to specialize in representing
Indian tribes with casino operations. They hoped for a contract with
this tribe.
''Did we win it?'' Scanlon wrote back.
''The [expletive] troglodytes didn't vote on you today,'' Abramoff responded..."
''They
are plain stupid. . . . Morons.'' Ultimately, the lower life forms
would pay Abramoff and Scanlon $14 million -- just a fraction of the
$66 million the two men's businesses would take in from six different
Indian tribes over the next three years. (Abramoff would offer his
lobbying services to tribes at relatively modest rates, but then tell
them that they couldn't afford not to hire Scanlon, who charged
astronomical amounts for his P.R. services and then subcontracted much
of the work at budget rates; he also supposedly kicked back millions to
Abramoff.)
''These
mofos are the stupidest idiots in the land for sure.'' In another
e-mail message he wrote, ''we need to get some $ from those
monkeys!!!!''
Writing to Ralph
Reed on Feb. 11, 2002, he declared: ''I wish those moronic Tiguas were
smarter in their political contributions. I'd love us to get our mitts
on that moolah!! Oh well, stupid folks get wiped out.''
When Abramoff
was copied on a mass e-mailing apparently sent by Marc Schwartz, then a
consultant to the tribe, he sent a livid message to Scanlon: ''that
[expletive] idiot put my name on an e-mail list! what a [expletive]
moron! he may have blown our cover!! Dammit. We are moving forward
anyway and taking their [expletive] money.''
The deal had
collapsed. But Abramoff never informed the Tiguas, who now claim he
continued to hold out hope of victory even when he knew the battle was
lost. Based on what he has learned subsequently, Schwartz told me that
''from July 25, 2002, it became an absolute fraud.''
Abramoff insisted to me that he kept working on behalf of the Tiguas:
''We were like flying Dutchmen going from bill to bill.'' He made a
last-ditch effort to attach the Tigua provision to a huge budget bill,
a plan he outlined in a Dec. 30 e-mail message to Schwartz: ''Our hope
is that an omnibus bill is put together so we can work through our
friends on the leadership staff to insert the language at the very end
of the process, instead of working through the normal appropriations
process -- which involves too many people and could jeopardize our
legislative fix.''
Abramoff soon made his name representing an obscure client: the
Northern Mariana Islands, a United States commonwealth in the remote
western Pacific Ocean where businesses enjoyed a quirky status.
American labor laws like the minimum wage did not apply, but
manufacturers there could still affix the Made in the U.S.A. label to
garments they produced for companies like the Gap and Tommy Hilfiger.
Abramoff depicted the tiny islands as an entrepreneurial paradise,
fighting Congressional attempts to impose pro-worker regulations there
(and bringing in some $7 million to his company).
Abramoff also
seems to see himself as an innocent victim. ''Of course, I have made
mistakes,'' he told me. Yet it's not quite clear what he thinks those
mistakes are. Abramoff insisted that his hunger for riches was driven
by charitable impulses. ''I have spent years giving away virtually
everything I made,'' he said. ''Frankly, I didn't need to have a kosher
delicatessen. That was money I could have bought a yacht with. I don't
live an extravagant lifestyle. I felt that the resources coming into my
hands were the consequence of God putting them there.'' And he has a
ready explanation for much of his behavior. When asked, for instance,
how a religious man who reportedly loathed Hollywood profanity could
send e-mail messages playfully calling Scanlon a ''big time faggot'' or
declaring, apropos one intransigent tribal client, ''We need a
beautiful girl to send up there,'' Abramoff suggested that he dumbed
down his words to motivate Scanlon. ''I didn't have a lot of time to
articulate things,'' he said. ''Sometimes I would find myself speaking
to people in the language that they speak.'' He likened himself to the
Biblical character Jacob, who dressed in his brother Esau's clothes.
Jacob did this, Abramoff told me, as ''a more effective means of
communicating with Esau.'' (In fact, Jacob's goal is to deceive his
father.)
And the racism implied in calling tribal leaders ''monkeys'' and
''troglodytes''? Abramoff responded: ''That's probably the thing that
hurts me the most about all this. It's just so opposite of who I am.''
''I have basically had my life obliterated,'' he said softly.
Put simply, Abramoff claimed not to see what he had done wrong. ''I've
been shocked at how I've been portrayed in the media,'' he said. ''The
Jack Abramoff who has been made into a caricature and a punching bag in
the national media is not the Jack Abramoff who I think exists. If I
read the articles about me, and I didn't know me, I would think I was
Satan.'' The experience, he said, has been ''Kafkaesque.''
''I think there
are people who would prefer that there are no political contributions,
people who would prefer that all members of Congress live an ascetic,
monklike social life. This is the system that we have. I didn't create
the system. This is the system that we have.'' At another point in our
conversation, he said something else about that system. ''Eventually,''
he said, ''money wins in politics.''
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